Granted Research

Federal grants to charities, year by year

By the Granted Research TeamJuly 8, 2026Edited by Methodology

Data: net federal grant obligations to 501(c)(3) charities by fiscal year, FY2019–FY2025 (federal awards). Last verified July 2026.

Every administration reshuffles federal spending priorities. But one number barely moves. From fiscal year 2019 through fiscal year 2025, the share of federal grant dollars going directly to 501(c)(3) charities that are not universities or hospitals stayed inside a narrow band — between 2.4% and 3.7%, averaging about 3.1% — drifting gently rather than stepping up or down when the White House changed party, according to Granted’s analysis of USAspending data. In raw dollars the money grew — from $24.1B in FY2019 to a peak of $43.5B in FY2024 — but as a slice of a growing pie it held remarkably steady.

The direct-to-charity share of federal grants sat between 2.4% and 3.7% in every year from FY2019 to FY2025 — a 1.2-point band that barely moved as the presidency changed hands twice.

2.4%–3.7%

Charity share of all federal grants

every year, FY2019–FY2025

~3.1%

Seven-year average share

a band of 1.2 points

$22.3B

One-time GGRF climate money

the FY2024 bump, stripped out

1.8×

Charity dollars, FY2019→FY2024

$24.1B to $43.5B

The charity slice barely moves, whoever is in the White HouseDirect federal grants to 501(c)(3) charities (excl. universities, hospitals, one-time GGRF), share of all grant dollarsseven-year range (FY2019–FY2025) 2.4%3.7%01%2%3%4%5%6%5.5% with one-timeGGRF climate money3.2%3.0%2.4%3.0%3.5%3.7%2.9%FY19FY20FY21FY22FY23FY24FY25Trump IBidenFiscal year (Oct–Sep) · source: Granted AI analysis of USAspending data
Download the data (CSV)Nine fiscal years (FY2017–FY2025) with coverage flags + official reconciliation
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The series, year by year

Direct grants to 501(c)(3) charities that are not universities or hospitals, with the one-time Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund removed. The charity slice is shown as a share of all federal grant dollars and, in the last column, as a share of grant dollars excluding Medicaid — the cleaner denominator, since Medicaid is a formula pass-through to states that dwarfs everything else.

FYAdministrationAll grantsCharity sliceShare of allEx-Medicaid
FY2019Trump I$756.4B$24.1B3.18%7.2%
FY2020Trump I$926.0B$28.2B3.04%6.1%
FY2021Trump I / Biden transition$1.31T$31.9B2.43%4.1%
FY2022Biden$1.09T$32.8B3.00%6.7%
FY2023Biden$1.10T$38.8B3.52%8.1%
FY2024Biden$1.19T$43.5B3.65%8.0%
FY2025Biden / Trump II transition$1.24T$36.3B2.93%6.9%

“Charity slice” = net grant obligations to the 501(c)(3) class (universities removed by the higher-education class; hospitals removed by name), excluding the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund. FY2024 is highlighted because a one-time $22.3B of GGRF climate money would otherwise land in the charity slice — see below. The series starts in FY2019; FY2017–FY2018 are omitted because recipient tagging is incomplete (see the coverage table). Net obligations; FY = Oct–Sep; as of the July 8, 2026 ingest.

What the numbers show

The striking thing is how little the charity share moves. Over seven fiscal years it ranged from 2.4% (FY2021) to 3.7% (FY2024) — a spread of just 1.2 percentage points. There is a gentle upward drift, but no lurch at any change of administration. The line you might expect to jerk around with each new set of White House priorities instead behaves like a structural constant: whatever else changes, a low-single-digit share of federal grant dollars reaches charities directly.

Two years look like exceptions, and neither really is — each is a lesson in reading the numerator against the denominator. In FY2021 the share dips to 2.43%, its lowest point. That is not charities losing ground; it is the denominator ballooning. Pandemic relief pushed total federal grant obligations to a record $1.31T that year, so even though charities’ dollars rose (to $31.9B, up from $28.2B the year before), their slice of a much bigger pie got thinner.

FY2024 is the mirror image — a numerator distortion. A one-time $22.3B from the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund — climate money the EPA routed to a handful of nonprofit “green banks” ($14.0B to the National Clean Investment Fund alone) — would push the charity slice to 5.5% of all grants if we left it in. Strip that single program out and FY2024 sits at 3.65%, right in line with its neighbors. Because GGRF was a one-time capitalization that did not repeat — the same CFDAs net to essentially zero in FY2025 — the headline series removes it, so a genuine trend is not mistaken for a permanent step up. The most recent year, FY2025, comes in at 2.93% ($36.3B), off the FY2024 peak, in a year that itself spans a change of administration.

The same across administrations

The seven years map onto three presidencies. FY2019 and FY2020 fall under the first Trump administration; FY2021 straddles the January 2021 handoff to the Biden administration, which covers FY2022 through FY2024; and FY2025 straddles the start of the second Trump administration. The presidency changed party twice inside this window — in January 2021 and January 2025 — yet the charity share tracked a smooth path across both handoffs. Grant obligations are recorded on the date the money was committed, so these windows reflect when each administration was actually obligating funds.

AdministrationFiscal yearsCharity-share range
Trump IFY2019–FY20212.43%3.18%
Biden (FY2025 → Trump II transition)FY2022–FY20252.93%3.65%

Why the series starts in 2019

We begin the trend in FY2019 for a data-quality reason, not an editorial one. USAspending only records a recipient’s organization type (the tag that tells us whether a grantee is a government, a university, or a charity) once the DATA Act took full effect in mid-FY2017. In FY2017 about 51.9% of grant dollars carry no recipient type at all, and in FY2018 about 12.7%; from FY2019 on it is effectively 0%. Splitting charities out of years that are half-untagged would produce a made-up number, so FY2017–FY2018 are shown in the coverage table below as flagged lower bounds and left out of the headline series entirely.

A benchmark from 2009

The last time anyone put a comparable number on this was nearly two decades ago. In GAO-09-193 (February 26, 2009), the U.S. Government Accountability Office estimated that federal agencies made about $25 billion in direct grants to nonprofit organizations in fiscal year 2006 — by our arithmetic against total grant spending of that era, on the order of 5 percent (the GAO itself published no share). That is not a like-for-like match with ours: the GAO counted all tax-exempt organizations, including the universities and hospitals we set aside, and it drew on FY2006 data. But the order of magnitude lines up — a low-single-digit share of federal grant dollars reaching nonprofits directly — which is part of what makes the steadiness over the years since notable rather than surprising.

One clarification for anyone comparing figures: this is a much narrower measure than the widely cited Urban Institute / Candid numbers, which put government grants to nonprofits at roughly $240–304 billion a year. Those come from what nonprofits themselves report on IRS Form 990 and include state and local grants and federal money passed through state agencies; we count only federal prime awards obligated directly to a 501(c)(3), which is a small slice of that larger total.

So the answer to whether the charity share moves administration to administration is: not really — not at this altitude. The direct-to-charity slice is structurally about 3.1% of all federal grant dollars, or 4.1%8.1% once you set aside the Medicaid pass-through, and it stays there no matter who holds the White House. The movement — which programs, which causes, which organizations — happens inside that slice, not in its size. Our companion studies open it up: an overview of grants to charities, the FY2024-to-FY2025 comparison, and the largest charity recipients. The full methodology, exclusions, and the reconciliation to the official USAspending totals are below.

Coverage & reconciliation

All nine scanned fiscal years against the official USAspending totals for the same award types (block, formula, project grants and cooperative agreements), plus the share of each year’s dollars whose recipient type is unrecorded. Only years with essentially complete tagging enter the headline series.

FYOurs (net)OfficialOurs vs officialUntaggedIn series
FY2017$701.9B$716.7B−2.1%51.9%excluded
FY2018$736.8B$752.7B−2.1%12.7%excluded
FY2019$756.4B$761.3B−0.6%0%yes
FY2020$926.0B$965.8B−4.1%0%yes
FY2021$1.31T$1.36T−3.6%0%yes
FY2022$1.09T$1.13T−3.5%0%yes
FY2023$1.10T$1.14T−3.3%0%yes
FY2024$1.19T$1.21T−1.6%0%yes
FY2025$1.24T$1.24T−0.2%0%yes

FY2017 and FY2018 are excluded from the headline because 51.9% and 12.7% of their grant dollars, respectively, carry no recipient type (USAspending only tagged recipients reliably once the DATA Act took full effect in mid-FY2017), so their charity slice is only a lower bound. Among the headline years our totals run 0.2%4.1% below official (late agency restatements never re-ingested), small enough not to affect the share. FY2015 and FY2016 are ~36% incomplete and not shown. Net obligations; FY = Oct–Sep; prime awards only; as of the July 8, 2026 ingest.

Methodology & sources

Data source
Federal financial-assistance awards from USAspending.gov, as mirrored in Granted’s federal awards database. We count grant-type assistance only — block grants, formula grants, project grants and cooperative agreements (award types 02/03/04/05). Every row in the window is grant-type; no loans, direct payments, or procurement contracts are included.
Fiscal year
Fiscal years are derived from each award’s action_date (October 1 – September 30), not the stored fiscal-year label, which mis-files October 1 transactions into the prior year and would understate recent totals. Dollars are net obligations: the sum of federal_action_obligation, including negative de-obligations.
What counts as a “charity”
A recipient is assigned to exactly one class from its USAspending business-type labels, in precedence order: government → higher education → 501(c)(3) → other. The charity slice is the 501(c)(3) class — so public and private universities are removed as higher education and state and local agencies as government — with hospitals and health systems then removed by a recipient-name pattern (hospital, medical center, health system, clinic, cancer center, and similar) plus a hand-checked list of named systems (e.g. Mayo Clinic, Kaiser Foundation Hospitals). Mission words like “health” or “medical” alone are deliberately not excluded, so service charities are not mislabeled as hospitals. Our companion overview study reports a lighter FY2024 ex-hospital figure ($69.1B) that removes hospitals only from its top-100 list; this page removes them across all recipients, so its ex-hospital charity slice is slightly smaller.
Recipient-tagging coverage (why FY2019+)
The sector split depends on the recipient business-type tag, which USAspending populated reliably only after the DATA Act took full effect in mid-FY2017. A fiscal year enters the headline series only if under 5% of its dollars are untagged. FY2017 (51.9%) and FY2018 (12.7%) fail that test and are excluded; FY2019–FY2025 are at 0%. The untagged share for every year is in the coverage table and the CSV.
Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund (headline series)
The headline series removes the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund from the charity slice (the numerator) — all three CFDAs 66.957, 66.959 and 66.960 — a one-time FY2024 capitalization of about $22.3B to nonprofit green banks. (Our companion overview strips only the two largest listings, $19.97B; the extra $2.31B here is the charity portion of the Zero-Emission/Solar-for-All listing.) The denominator remains all federal grant dollars (GGRF is part of the pie), so the with-GGRF and without-GGRF FY2024 shares — 5.5% and 3.65% — differ only by that program in the numerator. Both figures are in the CSV.
Denominators
The share is reported two ways: against all federal grant dollars, and against grant dollars excluding Medicaid (CFDA 93.778). Medicaid is a formula grant paid to state agencies that runs to hundreds of billions a year and dominates the total, so the ex-Medicaid view is the cleaner read on the pool charities can realistically compete within.
Reproducibility
Every number on this page is generated by a committed analysis script (scripts/research-studies/federal-grants-to-charities-by-year/analyze.py), which shares one methodology module with our other charity studies so the pages cannot disagree on what a “charity” is. The downloadable CSV carries all nine scanned years with every variant, the untagged share, and the official reconciliation. See our data methodology for how Granted sources and maintains this data.

Related research

Free to cite and republish with attribution to Granted AI (grantedai.com/research/federal-grants-to-charities-by-year) under CC BY 4.0. Questions or corrections: nathan@grantedai.com.